APPENDIX 2 - A HISTORY OF ABORIGINAL OCCUPATION IN WENTWORTH SHIRE

A HISTORY OF ABORIGINAL OCCUPATION

The south-west of New south Wales contains the most complete record of Aboriginal occupation in the continent. This section is an overview of that history, drawing from a wider region and focusing on Wentworth Shire.

The great events of human history are the colonisation of new worlds; Eurasia by one million years ago, Australia by 40,000 years, the Americas about 12,000 and the Pacific in the last 6,000. The people who settled Australia came from Southeast Asia and these were the descendants of Homo erectus, our ancestor from before 100,000 years ago. These are not the Indo-chinese who now live in that part of the world, but peoples who have no direct modern counterpart except perhaps in Australia and New Guinea.

These earliest Australians were part of the fully modern family of humans, the species Homo sapiens. They sailed to Australia at least 40,000 years ago when the Ice Age had locked much of the sea water in polar ice caps and the sea levels were up to 60m lower than today. New Guinea and Tasmania were attached to the mainland. The first records of these people come not from the north of Australia, but from Perth and Mungo. These are dates from fireplaces on the Swan River and Lake Mungo respectively.

ABORIGINAL GROUPS OF WENTWORTH SHIRE

Five groups, or tribes live in what is now Wentworth Shire. These are the Maraura (Mara wara) of the Lower Darling and along the Murray to Lake Victoria, the Paakantji (Barkindji) of the Darling River, the Barindji to the east and including the Willandra lakes, the Kureinji to the east of the Maraura and south of the Barindji, and the Danggali in the north-west part of the Shire. Their languages were part of a continent wide family, Pama Ngungan. Each is a language in its own right with closer relationships between adjacent groups. Evidence of these languages still exists, not only with people who can speak the language or know part of it, but in place names all over the Shire: Momba, a clan name of the Danggali (Moomba gas fields); Nielyi-gulli, a Barindji clan name (Nelia-Gaari station); Karndilk, a clan name of the Paakantji (Lake Cawndilla).

ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE MATERIAL REMAINS

The River Murray, from its junction with the Murrumbidgee to its mouth at the Coorong, was one of the most densely populated parts of Australia. Aborigines settled here as early as anywhere in the continent, expanding southwards from their landing spots to the Darling corridor and piercing to the very heart of the south-east. By natural population increase alone in an empty land, this could have been accomplished in about two thousand years¹. So an initial colonisation at 40,000 years ago could easily have seen people living on the Willandra Lakes and using a hearth at 38,000 years ago.

Another early date of 36,300 comes from the shores of Lake Tandou², from a shellfish midden buried in the sands of the lunette and now exposed. These dates also tell us that the area was very different then. The lakes had water in them for much of the time and the rivers were also more constant, for with the Ice Age came a lowering of temperatures and increased rainfall in the area and to the north, where the Darling receives most of its water. The Murray was fed by the permanent ice fields of the Dividing Range. The Shire, as today, has been affected by weather and people outside its boundaries and these have had a great impact.

There has been continuous occupation of the region since it was first settled. Radiocarbon dates, usually of shell middens, occur in every time period, however the evidence is less for the very early times. This is because of erosion, the natural destruction of archaeological features. Furthermore, many parts of a culture do not survive as material objects: language, symbolic relations, perishable items of wood, leather, hair.

People in this area had to adapt to a changing environment that has been partially mapped by archaeological and geological investigation³. Changes in rainfall, river flow and temperature affected vegetation and animal populations as well as altering lake and swamp environments. The Willandra Lakes system had period of sand deposition and preservation of mussel shell middens at around 32,000 and later at 15,000 years ago. The final demise of the Willandra system is related to the changes in the Lachlan River. In other areas evidence for occupation is found in different time periods; 27-22,000 years at Lake Tandou, 13,000 on the Darling Anabranch, 8-6,000 at the Talyawalka Lakes and 18,000, 15,000 and 7-6,000 years at Lake Victoria.

Although the environments may have changed dramatically over the long term, such as the complete destruction of lakeside habitats in extremely dry periods, or with new river channels being carved out, people would have still lived in and around these places. An example of this is the fact that the sand dunes around lakes (lunettes) are large water reservoirs, even when the lakes are dry. Soaks occur, or can be dug on any lunette. The one at Mungo is part of a series of waterholes that connect the Darling river at Wilcannia to the River Murray at Lake Benanee, near Robinvale.

Even though the amount of archaeology studied in this region is very limited, much can be made of the diversity of life in the past and of the patterns that proved successful over tens of thousands of years.

WHERE DID PEOPLE LIVE?

What people did in various places in the landscape is the stuff of archaeology; piecing together a pattern of past lifeways from the residue of their endeavours. This includes where people camped and cooked, what they ate and at what time of year, where and how they made their stone tools, where people were buried and who they were (male or female, adult or child). The very nature of the land in southwestern New South Wales and specifically the Wentworth Shire demands that people did not distribute themselves evenly, but in relation to the Mallee, the rivers, lakes, billabongs, swamps and stone sources.

The density of people was greater on the river systems⁴ and so more archaeological remains might be expected there. The two Aboriginal tribes on the river Murray in Wentworth Shire had small territories: 5,700 square kilometres for the Maraura and 4,400 square kilometres for the Kureinji. The Paakantji of the River Darling, with its less predictable flow, covered an area of 19,500 square kilometres. Away from the rivers, the Danggali owned 25,500 square kilometres and the Barindji, 23,400 square kilometres.

Then, as now, the environment played a major part in determining where people would live and what their seasonal round of movements would be. Fitted in with regular movements to water and food sources would have been travel for ceremony at various religious sites throughout the area and outside it; trade of valuable and routine items. Trade was important for non-local goods such as Pituri, or native tobacco⁵, and for grinding slabs for processing wild plant seeds. Trade was also important, not fort he goods exchanged, but for cementing relations between different groups. In this case not only marriage partners, but also various tools would change hands, not because one group had substantially better spears or boomerangs, but as a means of formalising group and interpersonal relations. These ancient trade patterns come out in the distribution of non-local artefacts, such as greenstone hatchet heads⁶, stone points and in the biological relations between groups determined by genetic studies of skeletons.

Most of the major archaeological sites in the Shire are close to water. This represents a fairly accurate picture of where people lived, but an important point to be made, especially for management purposes, is how and where sites are preserved. The dune fields have not been extremely mobile in the past forty thousand years. This means that not only do archaeological remains not get severely eroded, they often do not get preserved in the first place.

On the other hand, places of active soil deposition are more likely to preserve a greater number of events, from the death of a giant kangaroo to the dinner camps and burials of Aborigines over a long period of time. These places are the most important archaeologically because they preserve events with continual layers of sand or fine clay pellets. They are also the most sensitive to destruction because they are fragile parts of the environment, susceptible to massive erosion and because they are almost all the product of water and air movement. Sand dunes form where water has carried sediment and then receded to allow wind to whip that sand up to create source bordering dunes on the edges of ancestral rivers and more modern ones; lunettes, the giant crescentic sand dunes that ring the eastern margins of lakes; levees along the banks of prior streams; point bars on the inside curves of river bends⁷.

WAYS OF MAKING A LIVING

All these people over a vast area and an even greater period of time shared a common way of making a living. They hunted for meat, collected mussels, fished for cod and yabbies, gathered plant tubers, seeds, berries and nuts. They mined stone sources for suitable material for stone tools and grinding slabs.

By far the most common archaeological remains in Wentworth Shire are small campsites denoted by concentrations of stone flakes, tools and waste; hearths; or food remains, often mussel shell. The distribution of these remains on the landscape is rather different to what we might expect in excavating a North American Indian village site, for instance. By convention, a site in New South Wales is a concentration of stone, a hearth, burial midden. Each of these is actually an event, not necessarily related to any other. The distribution of these sites, or events, is based partly on archaeological preservation but mainly on where people were. A place where people camped relatively often will have many hearths, a greater density of stone tools and so on. The main point though, is that all these events are not strictly related to each other in space, and they may cover an immense time period.

An Indian village site will have structures that are related: house foundations for occupation, a midden that was the rubbish tip; the post-holes of a protecting wall; large pits for storage. Each relates to the other and the whole site takes on the sense of community life and interaction. That same knowledge can only be gleaned from western New South Wales by looking at the gradual accumulation of fragments of that whole. For example, land between two lakes often has the greatest density of artefacts anywhere.. Although every artefact and other remains may have been discarded or left at a different time, over thousands of years, a picture builds up of the proportions of mussel shells, fish and other bones, grinding slabs and their worn out fragments that denote collection and processing of various seeds, stone tools and the debris left from flaking the stone.

Most of the archaeology that has been done in Wentworth Shire has concentrated on the sand bodies where accumulation of sediment has preserved a very long sequence of cultural material. The bias of this water based occupation means that we know very little about what people were doing in the back country, on the red linear dune fields. Nonetheless, for parts of the year, large numbers of Aboriginal people would be fishermen: "Six hundred Natives encamped together, all of whom were living at the time upon fish procure from the lake"⁸. They were fishing with nets and traps for Golden Perch and Murray Cod. We know this from 24,000 year old middens where hundreds of fish bones remain⁹. The fish were of a certain size range that can only be selected by nets or traps. Nets would have been used in lakes and when the rivers were full. Traps and weirs would have been more useful in outlet channels of lakes and swamps. The stone arrangement on the floor of Nearie Lake, at the outlet creek is a durable example of this. Doubtless, others were made from wood and grass.

Yabbies were taken in season and the remains of their carapaces and internal calcium-storing `stones' are numerous and surprisingly well preserved. These concentrations are found on the Anabranch Lakes, Willandra Lakes and Lake Victoria¹⁰. Single pieces are often found in blowouts on sand deposits.

The other large water resources is the shellfish, Velesunio ambiguus. This mussel is common, easily harvested and has a unique feature that proved invaluable for travel.. Mussels can stay alive for a period of time out of water by keeping a small store of water locked in their shells. They make an ideal meal to be taken on a trip away from the river. The remains of these meals are small `dinnertime camps' that are scattered over the plains in remarkable abundance. They consist of a small quantity (perhaps a dilly bag full) of fragmented and eroded shell.

Other meat resources are mammals, birds, lizards and insects. The remains of these are not as common as those of aquatic animals. That does not mean that they weren't important in the diet, but that the method of capture and butchering, the numbers, the place where they were caught, were not conducive to preservation. At large, well preserved sites, there are the remains of many different species of animal.

Plant resources are very difficult to examine in the archaeology of Wentworth Shire.

RITUAL BEHAVIOUR

Much, but not all of the richness of prehistoric society is invisible to archaeology. We are not able to examine religious life nor changing morals, manners and philosophies over the millenia. We can document some rituals in time and space, and perhaps draw some conclusions from that. Four important examples of this are tooth avulsion, widow's caps, cylcons and cemeteries.

Tooth avulsion is a well known trait over most of the world. It occurs throughout Australia and the oldest known occurrence in the world is at Lake Nitchie¹¹. Knocking out the front tooth is a ritual marking the passage of children into adulthood. It is a way of marking group membership and is often seen as personal adornment, in much the same vein as earrings, tattoos, body scars and so on.

Avulsion is found in many prehistoric remains from Wentworth Shire. One or more teeth may be missing, with no tooth roots left (as might be expected if they were knocked out in a fight). The boney gum is resorbed and uninfected. It appears to be far more common in men than women on the River Murray, but the proportion changes following the Darling upstream into Queensland, until it is found in about the same numbers of men and women.

Widow's Caps, or Kopi mourning caps, are a graveside artefact that is restricted to the Lower Darling and the River Murray in Wentworth Shire¹². These caps were made from kopi, a locally occurring white gypseous clay. White is a colour associated with all important religious business over much of Australia. These caps were made by women on the death of their husband and were plastered on the head to a thickness of as much as 10 cm. They would be worn for a prescribed period of time or until they came off. The caps would then be placed on the grave. Sometimes a number of caps would be made, not for wearing, but to be placed directly on the grave. The antiquity of this cultural trait is not known, but most of the examples are probably from within the last couple of thousand years.

As an artefact associated with burial, the kopi mourning caps have great religious and social importance. They are part of a funeral process and should be accorded the same respect as skeletons.

Cylcons are artefacts made from sandstone (about 61%), or more rarely quartzite (15%) or other stone¹³They are sometimes referred to as `phallic' and `initiation' stones, although these make up only a small number of the total. They are generally less than 30 cm long and about 8 cm in diameter. Their name comes from a discrete description of their shape: cylindro-conical.

Cylcons are found by themselves over much of the Darling River region and into Lake Eyre, south-west Queensland and eastern New South Wales. The greatest density of these artefacts is in the central Darling River, from Menindee to Bourke (75% of known examples). About 20 (4% of public collections) come from Wentworth Shire.

In the Darling River region, most have been found on sandhills and to a lesser extent lying on blowouts or clay pans. These latter are usually broken up. These are all found close to the river. Cylcons are not found in association with burials, as is the case with mourning caps, and have never been found in direct association with other cultural material.

Cylcons have been called `mystery stones' because nothing was known of their ritual significance. With Aboriginal people there is a view that these are of religious significance, although that is not a view held by all. There is also not unanimous agreement about whether these are Men's or Women's `Business', or both. The seeming lack of knowledge about cylcons may be that their use and ritual significance had stopped millenia ago, or that Aboriginal people have not spoken about religion and ritual following the destruction of their society.

Cemeteries are found along the River Murray in south-eastern Australia¹⁴. These are not simply places where lots of people were buried, but were bounded and probably consecrated in the same way as cemeteries all over the world. Cemeteries are not generally thought to be associated with people who are `hunters and gatherers'. However, as mentioned before, groups along the River Murray organised their societies very differently to those of the hinterland. Cemeteries are an example of this. They are places where people of a clan or lineage were buried, providing a marker and a symbol of territorial ownership by preserving the remains of a line of ancestors.

Kow Swamp and Coobool Creek¹⁵, near Swan Hill are the oldest cemeteries in Australia and among the oldest in the world at a date of between 9,000 and 13,000 years ago. This burial practise probably swept the River Murray quickly and other cemeteries encompass dates of between 7,000 and 2,000 years. The Snaggy Bend cemetery at Wentworth has an earliest date of 10,000 years before the present.

ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE PEOPLE

There are more burials known and covering a longer time in and around Wentworth Shire than anywhere else in Australia. For the period between ten and thirty thousand years ago there are more burials here than for virtually any other place in the world. These give a great opportunity to look at variation and change in one place. Table 1 is a list of most of the remains that have a secure date associated with them.

Skeletons of people long since dead inform us today of many aspects of life in the past. These include health and disease, patterns of marriage and inter-relationships between groups, adaptations to various living conditions, and short term evolutionary changes. Burials also have a social significance that is respected by all people in all cultures. This is made doubly sensitive in Australia by the interests of a dominant European culture that has in the past disregarded that respect.

Burials are seen as a symbol of the continuity of an Aboriginal lineage and as the graves of their ancestors by Aboriginal people, as a nuisance by people wishing to quarry sand, as a valuable source of information by archaeologists. Without doubt, burials are the most sensitive part of Aboriginal history, loaded with symbolic and genealogical ties. One of the results of this report will be to identify where burials are likely to be and in what numbers and one of the recommendations will be to identify alternative sources of sand for construction.

The following section is a short description of what we have learned from studying some of the ancient Aboriginal skeletons from and around Wentworth Shire. This part is not meant to be a review of the biological and evolutionary studies in the region, for there are many aspects to that. Rather, it is a sketch of colonisation as it relates to the continent, adaptations in the region, and a particular piece of information to show how various studies in archaeology inter-relate

THE ORIGINAL COLONISTS

Colonisation has been an ongoing topic of research in Australia for many years¹⁶. The study of ancient skeletons has shed light on where people came from, who they were and what they looked like. An early theory suggested that there were three original groups, the Murrayans, the Carpentarians and the Barrineans of north-east Queensland. The Murrayans were held to be the oldest and most `archaic' group who were displaced southwards by the later Carpentarians (named for the Gulf of Carpentaria). The Barrineans were seen as a sideline of rain-forest dwelling people related to the `Negritos' of south-east Asia. This latter is thoroughly discredited, but the idea of two founding groups has remained. Alan Thorne has suggested that the larger and more heavily built groups such as Kow Swamp and Lake Nitchie man were descendants of the original migrants from Java; a direct lineage to Homo erectus from that island. He has also suggested that smaller, more lightly built individuals such as the young female cremation from Mungo and the male from Kielor, Victoria, were descendants of people who colonised Australia from China.

The prevailing view, based on more information and ecological factors, states that all these ancient individuals and the populations they represent share a common history¹⁷. Their ancestry goes back to `Java Man'. While it is true that migrants have been coming into Australia for tens of thousands of years (trade between New Guinea and Cape York, the Macassans, the Europeans, and most recently the Boat People), the biological base of Aboriginality has been stable and recognisable for the 28,000 years for which there are skeletal remains.

A PARTICULAR STUDY OF SKELETONS IN A REGIONAL CONTEXT

Swimming is a strange topic for skeletal studies. There is a condition of the ear known as Surfer's, or Diver's Ear. This is a small lump of bone that grows in the ear canal and is related to exposure of the middle ear to cold water. It is uncommon in most parts of the world, but occurs in Australia. This feature can be seen in the skull, and I have measured the relative frequencies for ancient populations throughout the country¹⁸. The River Murray has the highest incidence of this feature. More interestingly, men have it far more than women, and some children have it as well. Given what we know about prehistoric dependence on aquatic resources such as fish, mussels and birds, this information means that men were probably doing more of the swimming and diving than women (who were also doing a lot), and that children also were swimming at an early age. On the south coast of Victoria and Tasmania, it was women who were in the water more often. There the incidence of Diver's Ear is more common in women then men.

CULTURAL AND BIOLOGICAL EVOLUTION¹⁹

The size, density, age, sex and kin structure of a population is important in shaping how that group evolves. Migration between neighbouring groups and marriage are the ways in which diversity and patterns of relationships develop. These are mediated by, and interact with, group social organisation, demographic patterns and local environmental constraints and possibilities.

The river corridors supported more people partly from a higher carrying capacity and partly because the wide oscillation of food and water availability away from the rivers would exert a powerful control on population.

Basic demographic differences between riverine groups and their non-riverine neighbours are found in population size and density, patterns of mortality and morbidity (disease, infection and trauma), and of migration and marriage.

Birdsell (1953) presented ecological information on rainfall, size of group area and group numbers. His results for the Murray - Darling tribes are truly staggering. His estimates of their density and numbers were an order of magnitude grater, in fact 20 to 4 times greater than non-riverine populations in the same region.

SOCIAL ORGANISATION

Resource-rich environments are characterised by larger groups, smaller and more clearly defined territories, more vigorous boundary maintenance and some form of corporate group behaviour. The social relations of groups in the more arid areas away from the rivers may be called "inclusive"; local organisation extends personal, social and territorial networks over large areas. This makes movement across boundaries easier.

Conversely, the resource-rich areas tend to "exclusivity". Local organisation is corporate. There are well defined boundaries and more elaborate procedures for crossing them; shorter marriage distances; boundary maintenance in the form of warfare and other forms of inter-group competition. Descent was based on unilineal groups such as clans rather than sections or moieties.

The River Murray fits a pattern of "exclusion". Unlike the centre, people here did not maximise kin relations, but rather organised themselves in localised clans and clusters of clans. Warfare was known and of the material culture surviving to the present, articles of war predominate. Centralised authority seems also to have existed here. One of the main cultural features of these groups along the River Murray is the presence of cemeteries maintained over thousands of years. These groups were territorially based and their cemeteries are one of the symbols validating corporate ownership of that territory.

Because people preferentially married along the river, the linking effect of intermarriage was channelled in one dimension, along the river. Spouses would be more readily available. Socially it would make more sense to cement relationships with the larger, more densely packed groups on either side who have the potential to become your greatest ally or your greatest foe.

BIOLOGICAL VARIATION IN THE SOUTHEAST

Overall defferentiation is low in the Pleistocene and the earlier south-eastern skeletons are homogeneous in size and shape of the skulll, although variable. (This is in distinction to multiple migration theories).

Differentiation in Australia in the last few thousand years is greatest along the river Murray. After the separation of the Southeast from the rest of the continent, the major biological groupings are three River Murray regions at a level exceeding the difference between Queensland and Western Australia. One of these groupings comprises the area of Wentworth Shire: the Central Murray. There are also clines that run the length of the river, linking groups in a systematic pattern of variation. These clines are regular changes in skeletal characteristics.

SIZE DECREASE

The effects of large, densely packed populations are readily apparent: skull and arm fractures from increased violence; infection, periods of growth arrest and anaemia from different diseases and the effects of famine; arthritis from new and different forms of labour.

One of the most obvious results is that size must decrease. From 13,000 to less than 5,000 years ago there was a 5% size reduction of groups along the River. Famine and disease take their toll of the growing child. Size reduction is the necessary result of a deteriorating environment.

THE PATTERN OF BIOLOGICAL VARIATION

A new order arises in the later Pleistocene. Social organisation, population and population genetic structure all change in concert. Rising population suddenly or slowly affects local migration patterns. The grater proportion of marriages takes place over shorter distances and with the more numerous riverine neighbours. This is reproductive isolation of the river corridor. As boundary maintenance and warfare becomes important, large populations may actually be selected for by society.

It is not population growth per se, but the differentials between riverine and hinterland groups that are important. In this view, River Murray populations have always been large compared to those away from the river. Population growth through time is a good interpretation of the size decreases, heightened diversity and increased morbidity of river Murray groups. The timing of this coincides with the rise of cemeteries. This had its beginning ten to twelve thousand years ago and continued for at least 5,000 years and maybe more.

As social and reproductive barriers serve to isolate the river corridor in addition to the ever-present environmental differences, groups started to differentiate biologically. Size and shape are one aspect of this and like all variation serve to visually differentiate individuals and groups. Cumulative genetic change is exaggerated by the lineal nature of the corridor. Inter-marriage in one dimension (along the river) constricts relations between groups and leads to faster and greater differentiation than in the two dimensional case.

As exclusion is a principle of social organisation, reproductive isolation is its biological correlate. People are able to locate and identify different groups by their appearance. This can be done by constructing social systems that effect change in marriage and migration patterns, and ultimately group differences. It can also be consciously achieved. Cranial deformation, or head-binding as was practised on the River Murray 10,000 years ago at Kow Swamp and Coobool Creek is the conscious social correlate of genetic differentiation. These are people exaggerating their uniqueness; pushing the exclusion principle to one logical limit.

The River Murray is not a garden of Eden, a Utopia of infinite resources. The ramifications of the genetic and social models, coupled with differing environments and population densities are that large groups would be necessary. Boundary maintenance and warfare become necessary evils. Disease, famine, size decrease, a deteriorating environment and the quest for available resources become part of a new ecology.

The differences and changes in social organisation might indicate that density differentials between river and hinterland were a major factor in that groups may have been forced to accept the problems of deteriorating environment to reap the benefits of large populations necessary to maintain themselves in a densely packed, resource hungry string of neighbours.

In summary, people of the River Murray Corridor probably settled the region at least 38,000 years ago. By around 12,000 years ago, some expressions of social behaviour indicate that organisation was firmly grounded in the principle of exclusion. The elaboration of this is more evident b about 5,000 to 3,000 years ago with good evidence of reproductive isolation and demographic competition. Population increase and maintenance was probably necessary in the face of pressure from hinterland groups and especially larger populations along the River playing in the same game. Two of the costs of surviving in this struggle were an increased disease load and a decrease in overall size: both effects of a deteriorating environment.

The historical information suggests a continuity with unilineal clan based organisation, warfare and territorially exclusive groups.

Population increase may not have continued unabated; we don't yet know. But it is likely that while resources, disease and death set limits to growth: social organisation, warfare, exclusive territoriality, intermarriage with powerful riverine neighbours and perhaps adoption of new food resources were working to redefine those limits and to overcome a biological equation.

AFTER CAPTAIN COOK AND CHARLES STURT

Settlement of the area in the 1830's by Europeans was disastrous for Aboriginal people. Diseases like Influenza and Smallpox decimated the populations. Murders are still remembered (such as the Rufus River Massacre). Displacement and the breaking up of families is still a childhood memory of many aboriginal people. But aboriginal culture and heritage is not forgotten. A resurgence of interest and pride is gaining momentum. Aboriginal communities identify themselves with their forebears and continue an unbroken cultural lineage.

The enforced relocation of aborigines in south-western New South Wales has not separated people from the land. It has created a wide network of related people not unlike the mix that is Australia, Canada or England itself. Aboriginal people from the Maraura (Mara wara), Paakantji, Barindji, Kureinji and Danggali are spread all over much of New South Wales and Victoria, and people from many other groups now live in Wentworth Shire.

The parcelling of land into free and leased holdings and the radical changes in employment within the pastoral industry have made access to land and important sites difficult, if not impossible. Places of religious and economic importance have not been forgotten, even though much associated with this has.

With some ancient relics it is sufficient that they exist to be important. Burials are the most obvious example of this. All burials are important. The fact that a genealogy cannot be established is of no account to Aboriginal people; in much the same way that it is not important to most other people.

The history of human occupation in Australia is longer, richer and more varied in Wentworth Shire than any other place in the country. These large repositories of Aboriginal history lie in the very places where people always want to live and develop the land. That is the problem faced with increasing development of the Shire, how to serve the needs and interests of all parties without mindlessly destroying a history and heritage that is not 150 years old, but 250 times that number; 40,000 years.

Notes

J Birdsell, 1953.
J Hope and J Balme, work in progress.
J Birdsell, 1953; N Tindale, 1974; C Pardoe, 1988.
K Kefous, 1983; Clark and Hope, 1985; Bowler et al. 1976.
P Watson, 1983.
I McBryde, 1978, 1984.
Appendix 3, Site documentation, is an outline of those landforms which are known to be highly valuable for their archaeological content. More detailed lists of known sites is included in the Appendix as well as descriptions of various archaeological features and artefacts.
EJ Eyre, 1845, vol 2, page 252.
J Balme, 1983; R Lawrence, 1969.
K Kefous, 1977, 1983; J Balme, 1983
NWG MacIntosh, 1971.
R Etheridge, 1899; Goddard, 1936; Davidson, 1949.
G Hamm, 1987.
C Pardoe 1988 a & b.
AG Thorne, 1975; P Brown, 1982.
N MacIntosh, 1967; A Thorne, 1975, 1976, 1977; R Kirk and A Thorne, 1976; A Thorne and M Wolpoff, 1981; P Brown, 1987.
P Brown, 1987; P Habgood, 1986; C Pardoe, in press.
C Pardoe, 1984.
C Pardoe, 1988.

Table 1 - Dated Burials of the river Murray and Lower Darling

Individual Date Sex Source
Mungo III 28,000? Male Bowler and Thorne, 1976
Mungo I 24,700 Female Bowler et al. 1972
Tandou 15,000? Male Freedman and Lofgren, 1983
Kow Swamp 5 13,000 Male Thorne, 1975
Coobool Creek 65 12,500 Male Brown, 1987
Snaggy Bnd 79 10,000 Male? Clark and Hope, 1985
Kow Swamp 9 9,590 Male Thorn, 1975
Roonka 89 6,910 Male Pretty, 1977, pg 97
Nitchie 6,820 Male MacIntosh, 1971
Mallee cliffs I 6,610 Male Pardoe, 1989
Mossgiel 6,010 Male MacIntosh, 1967
Keera Station No 2 5,900 ? Blackwood and Simpson, 1973, pg 105
Keera Station No 29 5,840 ? Blackwood and Simpson, 1973, pg 105
Keera Station No 28 5,350 ? Blackwood and Simpson, 1973, pg 105
Keera Station No 11 4,400 Female Blackwood and Simpson, 1973, pg 105
Keera Station No 10 4,170 ? Blackwood and Simpson, 1973, pg 105
Keera Station No 69 750 Female Blackwood and Simpson, 1973, pg 105

Almost all of these are from Wentworth Shire or within 100 km. Those highlighted are from within the Shire. From Pardoe, 1989.

Table 2 - Burial distribution on Lakes in Wentworth Shire

Survey Area Lunette West Shore Outlet Creek Local Sandhills Total
Nitchie 12 12
Toora 4+ 5 9+
Nialia 8 8
Yelta 12 12
Nearie 11 2 13
Victoria 12 43 55
Total 59 45 5 109
Total % 54 0 41 5 100

The numbers from the lunettes represent a small fraction of those that are likely to still be buried. The lack of burials from most outlet creeks may reflect the uneroded nature of the land, where soil deposition from water flow would be greater than erosion. The small number from the Lake Victoria lunette is not indicative of the number of burials there, as this was the result of a very short survey at the southern end. More extensive work has shown burials to be common all along the lunette. Over 230 burials were taken from the Lake Victoria & Rufus River area in the mid 1940's by a "private collector". From Pardoe (1985).

REFERENCES ON ARCHAEOLOGY

This bibliography covers most, but not all of the published work is Wentworth Shire and surrounding area. It is broken up into sections on burial, other archaeology and Willandra Lakes.

BURIAL: WENTWORTH SHIRE

JB Birdsell, 1953. Some environmental and cultural factors influencing the structuring of Australian Aboriginal populations. The American Naturalist 87:171-207.

R Blackwod, and KNG Simpson, 1973. Attitudes of Aboriginal skeletons excavated in the Murray Valley region between Mildura and Renmark, Australia. Memoirs of the National Museum of Victoria 34:99-150.

JM Bowler, 1970. Lake Nitchie skeleton - Stratigraphy of the burial site. Archaeology and Physical Anthropology in Oceania 5:102-113.

JM Bowler, R Jones, H Allen and AG Thorne, 1970. Pleistocene human remains from Australia: a living site and human cremation from Lake Mungo, World Archaeology 2:39-60.

J Bolwer and AG Thorne, 1976. Human remains from Lake Mungo in: The Origin of the Australians, edited by RL Kirk and AG Thorne. Pp 127-138. Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies, Canberra.

JM Bowler, AG Thorne and HA Polach, 1972. Pleistocene Man in Australia; age and significance of the Mungo skeleton. Nature 240:48-50.

Peter Brown, 1987. Pleistocene homogeneity and Holocene size reduction; the Australian human skeletal evidence. Archaeology in Oceania 22:41-67.

Peter Clark, 1983. The Snaggy Bend Aboriginal burial ground - Wentworth NSW unpublished ms.

P Clark, 1985. Willandra Lakes human skeletal inventory. Unpublished ms.

Peter Clark and Jeannette Hope, 1985. Aboriginal burials and shell middens at Snaggy Bend and other sites on the central Murray River. Australian Archaeology 20:68-89.

DS Davidson, 1949. Mourning caps of the Australian Aborigine. Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 93:57-69.

R Etheridge, 1899. The "Widow's Cap" of the Australian Aborigines. Linnean Society of NSW. 24:333-345.

RH Goddard, 1936. Kopi; funerary skull caps. Mankind 2:25-27.

PJ Gresser, 1966. Aborigine cemeteries and graves disturbed whilst digging out rabbit burrows. Victorian Naturalist 83:1-12.

P Habgood, 1986. The origin of the Australian; a multivariate approach. Archaeology in Oceania 21:130-137.

M King-Boyes, 1973. Substance and shadow; an examination of Aboriginal disposal practices and the mythology, philosophy, visual and aural art associated with death in the regions bounded by 20 to 39 degrees latitude South and 128 to 158 degrees longitude East. MA thesis: Flinders University.

I McBryde, 1975. Burial rites in prehistoric New South Wales. Actes du Symposium International sur les Religions de la Prehistoire, Capo di Ponte (ed. Del Centro). Pp 499-508.

NWG MacIntosh, 1967. Fossil man in Australia. Australian Journal of Science 30:86-98.

NWG MacIntosh, 1971. Analysis of an Aboriginal skeleton and a pierced tooth necklace from Lake Nitchie, Australia. Anthropologie (Moravske Mus, Ustav Anthropos, Brno, Czechoslovakia). 9:49-62.

B Meehan, 1971. The form, distribution and antiquity of Australian Aboriginal mortuary practices. Unpublished MA thesis, University of Sydney.

C Paroe, 1984. Skeletal evidence for prehistoric diving and the division of labour. Australia and New Zealand Association for the Advancement of Science (ANZAAS) conference, Canberra.

C Pardoe, 1984. Prehistoric Human Morphological Variation in Australia. Unpublished PhD thesis, the Australian National University, Canberra.

C Pardoe, 1985a. Variation in Mortuary Patterning along the Darling River. Unpublished report to the Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies.

C Pardoe, 1985b. Cross-cultural attitudes to skeletal research in the Murray-Darling region. Australian Aboriginal Studies 2:63-67.

C Pardoe, 1987. The Mallee Cliff's Burial: Report on the study of the skeletal remains from a later prehistoric burial. Community report series. Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies, Canberra.

C Pardoe, 1988a. The cemetery as symbol. The distribution of Aboriginal burial grounds in south-eastern Australia. Archaeology in Oceania 23:1-16.

C Pardoe, 1988b. Prehistoric Aboriginal cemeteries of the River Murray. Community report series. Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies, Canberra.

C Pardoe, (in press). The demographic basis of human evolution in south-eastern Australia. Oceania Monographs. University of Sydney.

C Pardoe, (in press). The Mallee Cliff's burial (central River Murray) and population based archaeology. Australian Archaeology. Vol. 27.

S Sunderland, and LJ Ray, 1959. A note on the Murray Black collection of Australian Aboriginal skeletons. Proc. Roy. Soc. Victoria 71:45-48.

AG Thorne, 1975. Kow Swamp and Lake Mungo. Unpublished PhD thesis, University of Sydney.

AG Thorne, 1976. Morphological contrasts in Pleistocene Australia, in: The Origin of the Australians, edited by RL Kirk and AG Thorne. Pp 95-112. Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies, Canberra.

AG Thorne, 1977. Separation or Reconciliation? Biological clues to the development of Australian society. In: Sunda and Sahul, edited by J Allen, J Golson and R Jones. Pp 187-204. Academic Press, London.

AG Thorne and MH Wolpoff, 1981. Regional continuity in Australasian Pleistocene hominid evolution. American Journal of Physical Anthropology 55:337-349.

S Webb, 1984. Prehistoric stress in Australian Aborigines: a palaeopathological survey of a hunter-gatherer population. Unpublished PhD thesis, the Australian National University.

SG Webb, 1984. Intensification, population and social change in south-eastern Australia; the skeletal evidence. Aboriginal History 8:154-172.

BURIAL: OTHER AREAS

H Basedow, 1913. Burial customs in the Northern Flinders Ranges of South Australia. Man 13:49-53.

C Bennett and I Ellender, 1987. A report on the human skeletal remains from the city of Mildura Art Centre. Unpublished report of the Victoria Archaeological Survey, Melbourne.

RL Bickle, 1968. Aboriginal skeleton findings at Nildottie. Journal of the Anthropological Society of South Australia. 6(6):4-6.

S Bowdler, 1983. Archaeological investigation of a threatened Aboriginal burial site near Robinvale, on the Murray River, Victoria. Report to the Victorian archaeological Survey.

Peter Brown, 1981. Artificial cranial deformation; a component in the variation in Pleistocene Australian Aboriginal crania. Archaeology in Oceania 16:156-167.

Peter Brown, 1982. Coobool Creek; a prehistoric Australian hominid population. Unpublished PhD thesis, the Australian National University, Canberra.

L Fredman, 1985. Human skeletal remains from Mossgiel, New South Wales Archaeology in Oceania 20:21-31.

L Freedman and M Lofgren, 1983. Human skeletal remains from Lake Tandou, New South Wales. Archaeology in Oceania 18:98-105.

A Gallus and ED Gill, 1973. Aboriginal bone fish-hooks with skeletons at Wallpolla Creek, west of Mildura, Victoria, Australia. Memoirs of the National Museum of Victoria 34:215-216.

ED Gill, 1966. Aboriginal sitting burial near Swan Reach, Victoria. Victorian Naturalist 83:48.

R Graham and C Whipp, 1982. Archaeology of the southern Adelaide region, part 3. Burial grounds and practices. Journal of the Anthropological Society of South Australia. 20(1):1-7.

L Haglund, 1968. An Aboriginal burial ground at Broadbeach. Queensland; excavation report. Mankind 6:676-80.

L Haglund, 1976. An Archaeological Analysis of the Broadbeach Aboriginal Burial Ground. U of Queensland Press: St Lucia, Queensland.

C Pardoe and S Webb, 1986. Prehistoric human skeletal remains from Cowra and the Macquarie Marsh, New South Wales. Australian Archaeology 22:7-26.

RC Paton and PJ Hughes, 1984. An archaeological investigation of the Roseleigh Sand Dune, Albury, New South Wales; unpublished report to National Parks and Wildlife Service, New South Wales.

K Preiss, 1966. Aboriginal skeleton near Murray Bridge, South Australia. The south Australian Naturalist 41(2):39.

GL Pretty, 1971. Excavations at Roonka Station, lower River Murray, South Australia (1968-70). Journal of the anthropological Society of South Australia 9(9) supplement:6-15.

GL Pretty, 1977. The cultural chronology of the Roonka Flat. A preliminary consideration. In: Stone Tools as Cultural Markers, edited by RVS Wright, pp 288-331. Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies, Canberra.

M Prokopec, 1975. Anthropology of the past population at Roonka. Journal of the Anthropological Society of South Australia 13(3):3-12.

M Prokopec, 1975. Analysis of human remains from Roonka. Adelaide pp 142. Australian Institute of aboriginal Studies: Canberra.

RP Robin and GL Walsh, 1979. Burial cylinders. The essence of a dilemma in public archaeology. Australian Archaeology 9:62-76>

S Simmons, 1980. Site surveys on the floodplain between the Murray and Wakool Rivers, New South Wales. Records of the Victorian Archaeological Survey 10:57-86.

S Sinclair, 1977. A study of biological variation in Victorian Aborigines. Unpublished BSc thesis, La Trobe University.

S Sinclair and NG White, 1984. The Mallacoota burials in a regional context; a craniometric analysis. Records of the Victorian Archaeological Survey 14:322-337

EC Stirling, 1911. Preliminary report on the discovery of native remains at Swanport, River Murray; with an inquiry into the alleged occurrence of a pandemic among the Australian Aboriginals. Trans. Royal Society of South Australia 35:4-46.

DP Thomson, 1939. Two painted skulls from Arnhem Land, with notes on the totemic significance of the designs. Man 39:1-3.

WB Wood, 1968. An Aboriginal burial ground at Broadbeach, Queensland; skeletal material. Mankind 6:681-86.

ARCHAEOLOGY: WENTWORTH SHIRE

Harry Allen, 1968. Western Plain and Eastern Hill; a reconstruction of the subsistence activities of the aboriginal inhabitants of central eastern Australia. BA thesis: University of Sydney.

Harry Allen, 1970. Progress report on Western Division research. Unpublished report to National Parks and Wildlife Service, New South Wales.

Harry Allen, 1972. Where the crow flies backwards: Man and land in the Darling Basin PhD thesis: Australian National University.

Harry Allen, 1974. The Bagundji of the Darling Basin; cereal gatherers n an uncertain environment. World Archaeology 5:309-322.

Harry Allen, 1978. Training Aborigines for a career in Archaeology. Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies newsletter ns 10:21-28.

Harry Allen, 1980. Aborigines of the western plains of New South Wales. In: The Aborigines of New South Wales. Edited by C and W Goldstein. National Parks and Wildlife Service of New South Wales, pp 33-43.

Harry Allen, 1983. 19th Century Faunal change in western New South Wales and north-west Victoria. Working Papers in Anthropology, Archaeology, Linguistics and Maori Studies no 64. Department of Anthropology, University of Auckland.

Harry Allen, 1986. Environmental history in south-western New South Wales and north-western Victoria during the late Pleistocene. Paper presented at the World Archaeology Congress, Southampton, England, September 1986.

Jane Balme, 1983. Prehistoric fishing in the lower Darling, western New South Wales. In: Animals and Archaeology 2. Shell Middens, Fishes and Birds. Edited by C Grigson and J Clutton-Brock. BAR international series 183:19-32.

David Bell, 1980. Report on an archaeological survey of proposed weir BU8, Darling River, unpublished report for the National Parks and Wildlife Service, New South Wales.

David Bell, 1982. Aboriginal Carved Trees of south-eastern Australia: A research report, unpublished report to National Parks and Wildlife Service, New South Wales.

JM Bowler, GS Hope, JN Jennings, G Singh and D Walker, 1976. Late Quaternary climates in Australia and New guinea. Quaternary Research 6:359-394.

RA Buchan, 1973. Report on an archaeological survey in the Murray Valley, New South Wales, unpublished report to National Parks and Wildlife Service, New South Wales.

P Clark, 1983a. An archaeological survey of the proposed drill site localities Pamamaroo 1, Ennisvale 1 and Poplita 1. Unpublished report to National Parks and Wildlife Service, New South Wales.

P Clark, 1983b. An archaeological survey of the proposed drill site - Nulla Nulla 1. Unpublished report to National Parks and Wildlife Service, New South Wales.

P Clark, 1983c. An archaeological survey of three seismic lines in far south-west New South Wales. Unpublished report to National Parks and Wildlife Service, New South Wales.

P Clark, 1983d. An archaeological survey of the re-located Poplita 1 drill site. Unpublished report to National Parks and Wildlife Service, New South Wales.

A Djekic, 1980. An archaeological survey of the Rufus River groundwater interception scheme. A report to the New South Wales National Parks and Wildlife Service and the South Australian Government Engineering and Water Supply Department, unpublished ms, July 1980.

R Etheridge, 1916. The cylindro - conical and cornute stone implements of western New South Wales and their significance. Memoirs of the New South Wales Geological Survey, Ethnological Series, no 2.

ED Gill, 1973. Geology and geomorphology of the Murray River region between Mildura and Renmark, Australia. Memoirs of the National Museum of Victoria 34:1-98.

ED Gill. Geology and geomorphology of the Murray River valley.

G Hamm, 1987. In search of cylcons. BA thesis, Department of Prehistory and Anthropology, Australian National University.

JH Hope, 1979. Darlta Project. Unpublished report for National Parks and Wildlife Service, New South Wales.

JH Hope, 1980. Darlta Project: Darling Anabranch, Talyawalka Lakes and Rivers; palaeoenvironments and prehistory (interim report).

JH Hope, Feb 1981. Darling Project - Talyawalka Survey, unpublished correspondence.

JH Hope, 1981. Prehistoric research in the lower Darling region. In: Darling Surveys I. Edited by J Hope. Occasional Papers in Prehistory 3: Research School of Pacific Studies, Australian National University. Pp 1-8.

JH Hope and B Jacobs, 1982. Archaeology and environment of the Lower Darling Region of the Murray Basin, south-western New South Wales; the potential impact of seismic survey. Prehistory, Research School of Pacific Studies, Australian National University.

KC Kefous, 1977. We have a fish with ears, and wonder if it is valuable? BA thesis, Department of Prehistory and Anthropology, Australian National University.

KC Kefous, 1983. Riverain. Water availability and Aboriginal prehistory of the Murray River, Lake Victoria area, western New South Wales. MA thesis, Australian National University.

A Lance, 1986. An archaeological baseline study of the Mallee Cliffs salinity mitigation scheme, New South Wales. Unpublished consultancy report, Australian National University Archaeological Consultancies, Canberra.

A Lance, 1988. Lake Victoria plan of management background notes; a preliminary report prepared for the Dareton Aboriginal community.

I McBryde, 1978. Wil-im-ee Mooring; or, where do axes come from? Mankind 11:354-382.

I McBryde, 1984. Kulin greenstone quarries; the social contexts of production and distribution for the Mt William site. World Archaeology 16:267-285.

ML McIntyre, 1977. Report of a survey of archaeological sites along the Red Cliffs / Broken Hill transmission line. Unpublished report to National Parks and Wildlife Service, New South Wales.

ML McIntyre, 1981. An archaeological survey of the Mildura - Broken Hill electricity line corridor. In: Darling Survey I. Edited by J Hope. Occasional Papers in Prehistory 3: Research School of Pacific Studies, Australian National University. Pp 9-32.

A Ross, 1985. Archaeological evidence for population change in the middle to late Holocene in south-eastern Australia. Archaeology in Oceania 20:81-89.

NB Tindale, 1974. Aboriginal Tribes of Australia. Australian National University Press, Canberra.

D Witter, 1984. Providing a regional context for management archaeology. In: Site Surveys and Significance Assessment in Australian Archaeology, edited by S Sullivan and S Bowdler. Pp 48-54. Prehistory, Research School of Pacific Studies, Australian National University, Canberra.

ARCHAEOLOGY: WILLANDRA LAKES AND MUNGO

M Barbetti, 1971. Progress Report on Geomagnetic Investigation at Mungo Station. Unpublished report to National Parks and Wildlife Service, New South Wales.

J Bowler, 1980. Geomorphic survey of Mungo National Park. Unpublished report to National Parks and Wildlife Service, New South Wales.

JM Bowler, GS Hope, JN Jennings, G Singh and D Walker, 1976. Late Quaternary climates in Australia and New Guinea. Quaternary Research 6:359-394.

JM Bowler, R Jones, H Allen and AG Thorne, 1970. Pleistocene human remains from Australia; a living site and human cremation from Lake Mungo. World Archaeology 2:39-60.

J Bowler and AG Thorne, 1976. Human remains from Lake Mungo. In: The Origin of the Australians, edited by RL Kirk and AG Thorne. Pp 127-138. Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies, Canberra.

JM Bowler, AG Thorne and HA Polach, 1972. Pleistocene Man in Australia; age and significance of the Mungo skeleton. Nature 240:48-50.

P Clark, 1981. Archaeologist's Report - Mungo National Park, June - December 1979.

P Clark, 1981. Archaeologist's report - Mungo National Park, March - September 1981.

P Clark, 1981. Mungo National Park Archaeological Reports -, June 1979 - March 1981.

P Clark, 1985. Willandra Lakes human skeletal inventory. Unpublished ms. Consultative committee. 1985. Wilandra Lakes World Heritage region consultative committee. Agenda papers for 3rd meeting, 18-19th April, 1985.

J Magee, and. Willandra Lakes Region resource survey: National Estate Programme.

I McBryde, 1980. Collection of sample for thermoluminescence age determination from the profile of Long Waterhole Gully, outer Arumpo lunette.

I McBryde, 1975. A report on work undertaken on the Lake Mungo lunette, Aug 74.

I McBryde, 1975. Preliminary investigations on Outer Arumpo lunette, Aug 74.

DJ Mulvaney, 1973. Summary report on first Mungo project season, August 17 - September 1, 1973.

AG Thorne, 1975. Kow Swamp and Lake Mungo. Unpublished PhD thesis, University of Sydney.

ARCHAEOLOGY: OTHER AREAS

K Aplin, R Silcox, N Stern and E Williams, 1981. An Archaeological Survey of the western shore of Lake Cawndilla, Kinchega National Park. In: Darling Surveys I. Edited by J Hope. Occasional Papers in Prehistory 3: Research School of Pacific Studies, Australia National University. Pp 71-88.

A Berryman and D Frankel, 1984. Archaeological investigations of mounds on the Wakool river, near Barham, New South Wales. Australian Archaeology 19:21-30.

R Buchan and JP White, 1981. An archaeological survey in Kinchega National Park. In: Darling Surveys I. Edited by J Hope. Occasional Papers in Prehistory 3: Research School of Pacific Studies, Australia National University. Pp 65-70.

S Cane, 1986. An Archaeological Survey of the Two Telecom Tower Sites near Nundooka and Netley, Broken Hill, New South Wales. Unpublished report to National Parks and Wildlife Service, New South Wales.

PJF Coutts, 1975. The prehistory of Victoria - a review. The Artefact 39:6-38.

D Crew, 1986. Archaeological Investigation of "Borrow" Quarry Areas Associated with the Balranald Water Supply.

R Gunn, 1983. Preliminary investigations of Aboriginal rock art sites in the Cobar area of western New South Wales.

JH Hope, nd. Burkes Cave and Kokriega waterholes, Scropes Range. Unpublished ms.

JH Hope, nd. Lakes Menindee and Pamamaroo and the Darling River. Unpublished ms.

JH Hope and M McIntyre, 1979. Wilcannia Common Archaeological Survey. In: Darling Surveys I. Edited by J Hope. Occasional Papers in Prehistory 3: Research School of Pacific Studies, Australia National University. Pp 33-51.

S Martin, 1985. Archaeological survey of the Poplitah Seismic Survey Lines. 85-CP-1, 85-CP-2 and 85-CP-3. Unpublished report to National Parks and Wildlife Service, New South Wales.

S Martin, 1985. Archaeological survey of the Poplitah Seismic Survey Lines. Unpublished report to National Parks and Wildlife Service, New South Wales.

S Martin, 1986. Archaeological Survey of Proposed Water Treatment Works Sites at Hay, Balranald and Wentworth, south-western New South Wales. Unpublished report to National Parks and Wildlife Service, New South Wales.

I McBryde, 1973. Report on excavation at Greenbah station, Moree. Unpublished report to National Parks and Wildlife Service, New South Wales.

MF Nobbs, 1983. A preliminary report on seven radiocarbon age determinations from Plumbago Historic reserve. Journal of the Anthropological Society of South Australia. 21(5):3-7.

RC Paton, 1983. An analysis of Aboriginal subsistence in the Lower Murray district, South Australia. BA(hons) thesis: Australian National University, Prehistory.

GL Pretty, 1977. The cultural chronology of the Roonka Flat. A preliminary consideration. In: Stone Tools as Cultural Markers. Edited by RVS Wright. The Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies: Canberra. Pp 288-331.

GL Pretty, 1981. Trial excavation of an Aboriginal open campsite, and site survey, Kinchega National Park. In: Darling Surveys I. Edited by J Hope. Occasional Papers in Prehistory 3: Research School of Pacific Studies, Australian National Uni. Pp 53-63.

E Rich, 1986. Poplitah Seismic Survey Lines 10, 11, 12 Extension and 1 Extension: Archaeological Survey for Archaeological Sites. Unpublished report to National Parks and Wildlife Service, New South Wales.

Annie Ross, 1981. Holocene environments and prehistoric site patterning in the Victorian Mallee. Australian Archaeology 16:145-155.

I Sim and R Buchan, 1974. Archaeological survey of the Natural gas Pipeline Moomba - Sydney - Newcastle: Darling river and Paroo Channel. Unpublished report to National Parks and Wildlife Service, New South Wales.

P Thompson, 1980. Proposed Weir No 20: Darling River Aboriginal Sites Survey Reports 1 and 2. Unpublished report for National Parks and Wildlife Service, New South Wales.

HISTORIC SOURCES: WENTWORTH SHIRE

KH Bennett, 1883. Method of obtaining water from eucalyptus roots in the Lachlan and Darling area. Proceedings of the Linnean Society of New South Wales 8:213-215.

KH Bennett, 1887. Descriptive list of Australian Aboriginal weapons etc. from Darling and Lachlan Rivers. Government Printer: Sydney.

P Beveridge, 1883. On the Aborigines inhabiting the great lacustrine and riverine depression of the Lower Murray, Lower Murrumbidgee, Lower Lachlan and Lower Darling. Transactions and Proceedings of the Royal Society of New South Wales 17:19-74.

P Beveridge, 1889. The Aborigines of Victoria and riverina. Hutchison: Melbourne.

F Bonney, 1884. On some customs of the Aborigines of the river Darling, New South Wales. J Anthropological Institute, London 13:122-137.

AR Brown, Radcliffe, 1918 and 1923. Notes on the social organisation of Australian tribes. J Royal Anthropological Institute. 48:222-253 (Part I, 1918), 53:424-447 (Part II, 1923).

KL Brown, 1984. Some comments on ethnohistory and archaeology. Reviews in anthropology 10:53-71.

N Butlin, 1983. Our Original Aggression. Australian National University Press, Canberra.

J Cairns, 1859. On the Weir Mallee, a water yielding tree. Trans. Phil, nst. Vic. 3:33-**.

R Clyne, 18**. At war with the natives; from the Coorong to the Rufus, 1841. J Police Historical Society.

JH Cumpston, 1931. Public health in Australia. Medical Journal. Australia. 1:491-500.

S Hemming, 1983. Conflict between Aborigines and Europeans along the Murray River from the Darling to the Great South Bend (1830-1841). Journal of the Anthropological Society of South Australia. 21(6):3-15.

AW Howitt, 1904. Native Tribes of South East Australia. MacMillan; London.

G Krefft, 1865. On the manners and customs of Aborigines of the Lower Murray and Darling. Trans. Phil. Soc. New South Wales. 357-374.

RH Mathews, 1898. The group divisions and initiation ceremonies of the Barkunjee tribes. Royal Society of New South Wales. 32:241-251.

TL Mitchell, 1838. Journal of three expeditions into the interior of eastern Australia. London.

S Newland, 1889. The Parkengees, or Aboriginal tribes on the Darling river. Geographical Society of Australasia, South Australian branch. Pp3-16.

AR Radcliffe-Brown, 1930. The social organisation of Australian tribes. Oceania 1:34-63 (Part I) :206-246, 322-341 (Part II) :426-456 (Part III).

C Sturt, 1833. Two expeditions into the Interior of Southern Australia. Two volumes Smith, Elder and Company, London.

P Watson, 1983. This precious foliage, a study of the Aboriginal psycho-active drug Pituri. Oceania Monographs, No. 26. University of Sydney.

1 J Birdsell, 1953.

2 J Hope and J Balme, work in progress.

3 J Birdsell, 1953; N Tindale, 1974; C Pardoe, 1988.

4 K Kefous, 1983; Clark and Hope, 1985; Bowler et al. 1976.

5 P Watson, 1983.

6 I McBryde, 1978, 1984.

7 Appendix 3: Site documentation, is an outline of those landforms which are known to be highly valuable for their archaeological content. More detailed lists of known sites is included in the Appendix as well as descriptions of various archaeological features and artefacts.

8 EJ Eyre, 1845 vol. 2, Pg 252.

9 J Balme, 1983; R Lawrence, 1969.

10 K Kefous 1977, 1983; J Balme, 1983.

11 NWG Macintosh, 1971.

12 R Etheridge, 1899; Goddard, 1936; Davidson, 1949.

13 G Hamm, 1987.

14 C Pardoe 1988a, b.

15 AG Thorne, 1975; P Brown 1982.

16 N Macintosh, 1967; A Thorne, 1975, 1976, 1977; R Kirk and A Thorne, 1976; A Thorne and M Wolpoff, 1981; P Brown 1987.

17 P Brown, 1987; P Habgood, 1986; C Pardoe, in press.

18 C Pardoe, 1984.

19 C Pardoe, 1988.